The role of Susana Sumelzo, who is presently the Secretary of State for Ibero-America and a Socialist leader historically aligned with Pedro Sánchez, has swiftly transitioned from institutional discretion to being at the center of media attention. Numerous press articles have highlighted public contracts granted to firms associated with her family and her ties to companies under scrutiny in the so-called “Koldo case” and the alleged network involving Santos Cerdán, which has reignited the discussion on potential conflicts of interest within the Prime Minister’s inner circle.
Who is Susana Sumelzo and what part does she play in “sanchismo”?
Susana Sumelzo Jordán (Zaragoza, 1969) is a seasoned leader of the PSOE. For over ten years, she has been a senator and a member of parliament representing Zaragoza, and since December 2023, she has occupied the position of Secretary of State for Ibero-America and the Caribbean and for Spanish in the World, within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Within the party, Sumelzo has participated in the federal executive and for years has been seen as one of Pedro Sánchez’s dedicated deputies, having been part of his trusted inner circle since the primaries that returned him to the general secretariat in 2017. Some media outlets and individuals within the party already describe her as a close friend of Pedro Sánchez, with whom he might have had a romantic involvement.
Contracts with the family enterprise Sumelzo S.A. and the UCO’s investigation
The root of the controversy can be traced to public works contracts granted to the Aragonese construction company Sumelzo S.A., associated with the Secretary of State’s father and brother. As reported by The Objective, since Sánchez took office at La Moncloa, the company has secured contracts worth approximately 16 million euros in recent years through the Ebro River Basin Authority and other agencies under Socialist-led ministries, with the majority awarded during Teresa Ribera’s period at the Ministry for Ecological Transition.
The contracts include a range of responsibilities, from the modification and maintenance of irrigation channels to major projects such as the Valdeliberola collector. This initiative, with a budget of 10 million euros, was eventually granted to Sumelzo S.A. after being withdrawn from another company that had initially won the bid.
The Central Operational Unit (UCO) of the Civil Guard has placed Sumelzo S.A. under scrutiny after detecting a payment of 12,100 euros to the company Servinabar —a firm allegedly used by Santos Cerdán and his partner Antxon Alonso to channel commissions in the face-mask scheme and other contracts— at a time that coincides with significant awards to the family construction company.
Investigated schemes involve overlapping headquarters and family businesses
The controversy has been further fueled by additional “corporate coincidences” brought to light by media outlets such as El Debate, El Español, and Esdiario. On one hand, investigative reports disclose that Sumelzo S.A.’s headquarters in Zaragoza share the same building with Soluciones de Gestión S.L., a key company involved in the face-mask scheme linked to former minister José Luis Ábalos and the Koldo case.
In addition, it is reported that a business owned by either Susana Sumelzo’s father or a cousin shared its registered office with Servinabar, the company of Santos Cerdán, which is currently being investigated for allegedly receiving kickbacks in public contracts.
These overlaps in registered addresses and business relationships have become a central argument for those who speak of a business “ecosystem” around Sumelzo’s family that has benefited from decisions taken by administrations governed by the PSOE. However, as of today, the investigations are focused on the companies and on figures such as Cerdán and his partners, not on the Secretary of State as an individual.
The political analysis: stress on Moncloa and the “circle of trust” storyline
Politically, the case breaks out at a time when Pedro Sánchez’s Government is already bearing a considerable cost from other corruption investigations affecting figures in his entourage, such as the Koldo case, probes into contracts awarded during the pandemic and the cases opened in relation to the professional activities of his wife, Begoña Gómez.
Opposition parties and critical commentators now frame the reports about Sumelzo as part of an alleged “broader scheme” of favours and contracts to companies linked to the President’s circle of trust, pointing out that the Secretary of State is one of his closest political allies and highlighting the volume of public works awarded to the family construction firm under Socialist governments, both regional and national.
Yet another open question in the PSOE’s credibility crisis
The Sumelzo case thus adds to the list of fronts eroding the image of integrity of the PSOE and Sánchez’s Government, in a context of growing public distrust towards institutions and increasing demands for transparency in the ties between politics and business.
For now, the key lies in three elements:
- The evolution of investigations by the UCO and the National Court into the networks of public contracts in which companies linked to the Sumelzo family appear.
- Possible future judicial decisions, which could either narrow down responsibilities or, on the contrary, broaden the scope of the cases.
- The political response from Moncloa and the PSOE, both in terms of assuming responsibilities and in terms of reforms to mechanisms designed to prevent conflicts of interest.
In the meantime, Susana Sumelzo maintains her role and claims that her political career is completely independent from her family’s business endeavors.